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tepav@tepav.org.tr / tepav.org.trTEPAV veriye dayalı analiz yaparak politika tasarım sürecine katkı sağlayan, akademik etik ve kaliteden ödün vermeyen, kar amacı gütmeyen, partizan olmayan bir araştırma kuruluşudur.
There is now less than a week left until the G-20 Summit in St.  Petersburg. This is the eighth time that 20 heads of state have come  together. I was in Moscow the other day, attending a pre-summit  conference organized by the Higher School of Economics and the  University of Toronto’s Munsk Center for G-20 Research. Everyone seems  to agree that the agenda next week cannot but touch upon the  developments in Syria. The summit is happening at a time when the Syrian  crisis is further escalating, and its host has rather strong and  contrarian views about Syria. Does that mean that the G-20 summit is  doomed for political reasons? I beg to differ. There is an opportunity  here.
The G-20 is a forum for the leaders of the biggest  economies around the globe to come together and discuss global  developments. First of all, in turbulent times, it is good for these  leaders to come together. However, it requires a well thought out  agenda. Heads of states tend not to talk about technical details, but  rather political priorities. There, I believe we have a problem. The  problem is not an absence of topics on the agenda, but rather their  increasing number, which have been rather liberally added in the last  seven meetings. What is lacking is a concise taxonomy and a  prioritization of the agenda items.
Secondly, let me focus on how  the agenda has evolved so far. Yes, the G-20 has an evolving agenda and  rightly so. That evolution process is in line with actual developments.  The G-20 started right after the 1997 Asian financial crisis. Why?  Remember the days after the Thai crisis? At that time, the understanding  was that the crisis was the fault of “bad” policies on the part of the  recipient, emerging countries. These had just scared the “innocent”  portfolio managers with their “delinquent” economic policies. So the  G-20 came out to save the day, making the crisis a major item on its  agenda. That is when it started to engage in policy coordination at the  periphery. 
Thirdly, in the late 1990s and finally with the 2008  crisis, the mindset following the Asian financial crisis changed. The  G-20 came to realize that there was a problem with the greed of  portfolio managers after all. That brought the shift towards financial  architecture issues, together with the old agenda item of economic  policy coordination. 
Fourthly, now for the first time in the  last five years, the rate of growth in developed countries is to be  higher than in developing countries. That is new, as Helene Rey noted  at the Jackson Hole meeting of central bankers. In the past, we had the  impossibility of a “trilemma” in economic policy making: you could not  have free capital movements, fixed exchange rates and an independent  monetary policy at the same time. Hence, if you would like to benefit  from the savings of others, you had to forget about some national  economic policy objectives. This has lately become a dilemma. You either  control capital flows, or you let the Fed, the American central bank, manage your economy. And the Fed chair is not even  elected to office! Any independence in economic policy making there  previously was, is now in the past. That is where the G-20 needs to  rediscover itself. 
The time has come for the G-20 to focus on  policy coordination on growth and jobs in the periphery. Otherwise, we  will see even messier transformations and more non-state actors, which  rank up the cost in human lives.
This commentary was published in Hürriyet Daily News on 31.08.2013